Development of the German Industrial Relations System

Development of the German Industrial Relations System The management of employees, both individually and collectively, remains a central feature of organizational life (Blyton Turnbull, 2004). This statement, taken from the book The Dynamics of Employee Relations, generally reflects the necessity organizations are facing. Regarding the central role employees are playing in business, the implementation of systems which regulate the working process in order to protect and restrain both employees and employers by installing rules, policies, and guidelines are essential. These systems are called employee relations and are put in place globally. Yet, these systems differ accordingly among different economies according to nation and culture. The subsequent is divided into three major pillars: First, it will provide a description of the core characteristics of the German employment relations system. The second pillar regards the existing systems of collective bargaining and participation and discusses their development since the 1980s. The third and last part gives an outline of the major recent trends and will focus in detail on the most significant recent issue of the German employment relations system. Main Body Core characteristics of the German human resource management/employment system Being one of the most successful economies in Europe (Mà ¼ller-Jentsch, Keller, Jacobi, 1998), the German industrial relation system is regarded to encourage workplace cooperation in high-quality production and the economic prosperity contributes in general to a peaceful and collaborative work-environment. According to Mà ¼ller-Jentsch, the German model of industrial relations is based on five pillars, which will be explained in the following. The most significant pillar is regarded to be the dual structure of interest representation. This implies a separation of workers representation at the workplace-level from the collective bargaining system. Hence structural conflicts between labor and capital are dealt with in two arenas, separated according to interests, actors, and modes of enforcement (Mà ¼ller-Jentsch, Keller, Jacobi, 1998): While collective bargaining deals with issues such as working-hours and wages on a more general level and therefore follows a quantitative approac h, in the workplace these are specialized and more of qualitative nature. Although both parties are legally independent from each other in formal terms, they reveal certain interdependencies in reality. Keller (1998) states that unions and works councils are reliable partners within a network of stable co-operation. It is for example often the case that Unions train members of the works-council and provide them with legal advice, while works councilors are in many cases also trade unionists and participate in policy-making and recruiting members for their Union. The two institutions of trade Unions and Works Councils, as well as collective bargaining, will be described in more detail in the following and at a later stage. As the second pillar, Mà ¼ller-Jentsch (1998) reveals the importance of the law. Existing on a profound legal basis, the dual system of Germanys industrial relations puts emphasis on a detailed regulation of labor conflicts on the one hand and industrial relations at the workplace on the other. For instance, this implies the fact that works councils do not have the right to strike. Penalties for breaches are high, which calls legal exports to action, who therefore gain more and more influence on the workers side. The third pillar mentioned is the degree to which the institutions of collective representation encompass their constituencies. As the unions and works councils are able to make decisions in the name of the whole workforce, they are obliged by law to represent the interests of all employees. Next and fourth important feature is the fact that the named institutions are of intermediate character (Ferner Hyman, 1998). According to its legal constitution, the works council follows explicitly the economic goals of the company. Trade unions have become so called mediators between the interests of labor and capital, and bulwarks of the tradition of social partnership (Mà ¼ller-Jentsch, 1998). The fifth and final major pillar of the Germa n model of industrial relations is the relative centralization of collective bargaining and the according coordinated bargaining policies, which will be explained in greater detail in the second part of this essay. The two parties of the German dual system are, as already described above, the trade unions and the works councils. In Germany, trade unionism goes back to 1945, when the German Trade Union Confederation (Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund) was put in place, providing a single organizational structure for workers of different status. In 1995, the confederation had a total of 9,354,670 members coming from sectors such as the metal industry, public service, chemicals, construction, banking, rail, police, wood and plastics, media, textiles, food drink and tobacco, or education and science for example. Although German unions are not formally affiliated to any political party, the German trade Union Confederation shows links to the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD). These patt erns of political alignment result from tradition, yet they appear to be weakening more and more over time. In addition, there are two other significant confederations in Germany: the German Salaried Employees Union (DAG) and the German Civil Servants Federation (DBB), which resulted from the Weimar Republic. The trade union density in Germany in 2007 was at 19.9% (OECD.2008). In comparison, the UK shows a density of 28%, whereas the United States reveal 11.6%. The second part of the German dual system are the works councils. In Germany, works councils are mandatory for in all private firms with five or more employees. They possess rights of information, consultation, and co-determination (Mà ¼ller-Jentsch, Keller, Jacobi, 1998). Co-determination implies social matters such as principles of remuneration and payment methods, performance related pay, daily and weekly work schedules, regulation of overtime, holiday arrangements, or the use of technical devices to monitor employees pe rformance. In specific circumstances there is even the right of veto over individual cases of hiring, grading, transfer, and dismissal. Additionally, the employer is obliged to inform the works council about the economic situation and financial affairs. Works councilors are elected for four years and are by law independent from the unions, representing the whole workforce. In general, works councils deal with the following employment relations: technological change, functional and numerical flexibility, as well as influencing the formal company structures. As already pointed out above, technological change implies for example the implementation of new technological instruments or methods to monitor employee performance. Concerning the functional flexibility, an article from the Industrial Relations Journal can be stated: Works councils are constituted on the basis of working together with the respective employer/management in a spirit of mutual trust to reinforce the achievement of functional flexibility (Lumley, 1992). The numerical flexibility roots in a legal event. The Employment Promotion Act was introduced by the German government in 1985. After successful lobbying of employers, legislative changes in employment relations were introduced, facilitating an increase in fixed-term contracts, temporary employees, and part-time workers in a mixed way. This enabled employers to be able to react more promptly to economic crises or peak-times, for example. Especially times of economic pressure generate a demand for more flexibility by organizations in how work is conducted. There is a need for flexible structures and work processes, allowing companies to adjust their labor resources to meet rapidly changing market demands, for instance the current global economic crisis which also strongly hit the German economy. Competitive conditions are leading to a decentralization of the German employment relations system on multiple levels, particularly within enterprises ( Berg, 2008). At the same time, workers desire more flexibility in when, how, and where they work. The increase in female labor, the rise of dual earner couples, and the cost of child rearing have altered the balance between work- and non-work roles and contributed to a variety of flexible work arrangements, especially in Germany (Berg et al. 2004). Another significant aspect of the German employment relations system is how business in the country is organized. There are three basic types of organization which can be distinguished: The chambers of Industry and Commerce, Business Associations, and Employers Associations (Harzing Van Ruysseveldt, 2004). The Chambers of Industry and Commerce are local organizations with a formal legal status, which makes membership necessary for all affected firms. The term affected implies all firms belonging to the respective field of operations of the Chambers. The task carried out by the Chambers are for example licensing and regulating trade pract ices and managing occupational training programs such as apprenticeships. These are a popular instrument for German high-school graduates who are willing to directly enter into working or simply do not have the possibility to go to university. Business Associations are organized by industry, in local associations affiliated to sectoral peak associations (Mà ¼ller-Jentsch, Keller, Jacobi, 1998). They are concerned with such matters as technology, production, marketing, and research. In Contrast, Employers Associations are responsible for negotiating the multi-employer collective agreements, which, according to Mà ¼ller-Jentsch (1998) are covering the vast majority of employees. Finally, the following facts about the German economy and its industrial relations will provide a further insight on how the countrys relations look like. The information is taken from the European Industrial Relations Observatory. The trade union density in Germany, where the number of trade union members is compared relative to the overall number of employees, is at around 22%. The employer organization density is at 63%. Here, the number describes the percentage of employees employed by companies who are members of an employer organization. In 2007, the country employment rate, regarding people from 15-64 years, was at 6.4%, whereas the unemployment rate for the same age-group reached 8.4%. Another significant figure is the number of working days lost through industrial action, per 1,000 employees. Here the average from 2004-2007 was at 5.62 days. The European average was at 37.47 days, which shows that Germany is significantly below the average (EIRO, 2009). Furthermore, the industrial relations in Germany, in cooperation with many other factors of course, result in a stable and advanced economy, which is to be regarded as very advanced and on a high level. Yet, there is still room for improvement left, also in industrial relations. Here, the cooperation of trade unions, works cou ncils, and employers could still be further improved. Existing systems of collective bargaining participation and their development since the 1980s Collective bargaining can be defined as a process of decision-making between parties representing employer and employee interests. Its purpose is the negotiation and application of an agreed set of rules to govern the substantive and procedural terms of the employment relationship (Windmà ¼ller.1987). In detail, the functions of collective bargaining are determining the terms and conditions of employment, as well as the allocation, distribution, and transaction of cost-saving issues. Furthermore, it also aims at countervailing the power of management and conflict-resolution. A significant prerequisite is the mutual recognition of the actors as representatives and the general willingness to bargain. The parties need to be aware of the fact that, within a defined area, future problems and issues are to be resolved jointly. Collective bargaining takes place within the field of the terms and conditions of employment. Specific topics are the price of labor, work rules, individual job rig hts, enforcement procedures, and the issue of management and union rights. (Zagelmeyer, 2010) The relationship between the two parties (employers and employees), can significantly influence the outcome of the bargaining. This accounts on a general as well as on an individual level. The probability to achieve a win-win situation throughout the bargaining process is certainly higher if the overall climate between management and employees in the company is positive and if the individuals get along with each other. It also affects the respective strategies and tactics and determines the general atmosphere of the whole process. Another important aspect is the term of bargaining power. According to Chamberlain and Kuhn (1986), it is defined as the ability to secure anothers agreement on ones own terms. It is the driving force underlying the bargaining relationship. The structure of collective bargaining can be either formal or informal. In a formal structure, the participants are legally bound by the terms of the agreement, whereas an informal bargaining structure is defined as the employers or employees who are affected by the results of a negotiated settlement through either pattern bargaining or other non-binding processes (Zagelmeyer, 2010). The process of collective bargaining can take place on different layers. Starting at a work group, department or company level, the single-employer bargaining functions in a decentralized way. Multi-employer collective bargaining embodies the local single industry, regional economy, or even a national economy, which reveals the highest possible degree of centralization. To draw the line to the German system of collective bargaining, Berg (2004) states the Germany shows a trend towards a further decentralization of collective bargaining, meaning that employment relations issues are increasingly being resolved on a single-employer level. Keller and Jacobi (1998) refer to the German Collective Agreement Act, where the parties t o a collective agreement must be unions on the workers side and single employers and or employers associations on the other. Company collective agreements are mainly to be found in smaller firms and cover a small minority of employees. Yet, the overall collective bargaining coverage in Germany ranked at 61% in 2007 (EIRO, 2009). In comparison to 2004 (68%), this percentage has decreased by 7% and can probably be drawn back to the current trend of decentralization of collective bargaining in Germany, which, on average, does not cover as many of the overall number of employees than the centralized approach including multi-employer collective bargaining. Indust ry wide and sectoral agreements contribute to a high degree of standardization of wages and other working conditions, as does state regulation (Mà ¼ller-Jentsch, Keller, Jacobi, 1998). It is also the case that, although sectoral bargaining is taking place at a regional level, collective bargaining in Germany is centrally direc ted by the national organizations on each of the two sides. Several pilot-agreements, especially from the engineering industry, function as role models for influence all other industries. An example is the so called IG Metall, which therefore enjoys a high degree of awareness in the German economy. According to the pacemaker of IG Metall, there are three different kinds of collective agreements to be distinguished: First, there are wage agreements. These set the level of wages and periodic alterations. Next there are the so called framework agreements, specifying wage-payment systems. Last, there are umbrella-agreements, which regulate all other conditions of employment such as working time, overtime, holidays, and dismissals. Another significant aspect of the German way of bargaining is described by Tallard (1988): The German collective bargaining process follows a certain sequence. A more or less extended period, depending on the industry and complexity of the issue to be discusse d, leads to agreement in the majority of the cases. If negotiations fail, both parties try to resolve the conflict through mediation procedures. These are established by union-employer agreements instead of government interventions. If mediation also fails, the conflict might result in a strike or in a lockout, which are the two last legal weapons of the union side in order to achieve their goals (Keller. 1997). Although there is a trend towards decentralization of collective bargaining, the system still needs mechanisms to adapt general conditions of collective agreements to the circumstances of individual establishment (Berg, 2008). Furthermore, it needs to be pointed out that civil servants are excluded from collective bargaining. The conditions of employment for this group of employees are set by legislation. Still, there is an influence of the relevant unions who function as consultants for the government. Another aspect of German industrial relations is that the scope of indus trial regulations is not closely related to union membership, as it is the case in other countries (Ferner Hyman, 1998). Roughly eighty percent of the employees are covered by collective agreements, which is three times the number of union members. Currently, the majority of collective negotiations is concerned with pay. This has been a development over the past decades and the focus of collective bargaining has changed over time. During the 1970s for instance, non-wage issues have received the most attention. During the late 1970s, for example, there had been a trend in bargaining across industries which considered the protection of employees against rationalization. During the 1980s, working-time arrangements played a dominant role (Ferner Hyman, 1998), where collective bargaining mostly aimed at regulating the working-time of employees as a strategy for job-creation. In the focus of discussion between unions and employers was the claim that the effect of shorter working hours r esults in an increase in employment. Since the early 1990s, especially after the Unification of Eastern and Western Germany, collective bargaining turned to the issue of wages. Since the efforts of the unions have not been very successful (Mà ¼ller-Jentsch, Keller, Jacobi, 1998), strikes emerged over several industries. Mà ¼ller et al. (1998) also make the point that collective bargaining seems to have had only a limited impact on income differentials. It was not a subject of priority to German unions. Yet, through the introduction of common pay scales, the gap between management employees (white-collars) and manual employees seems to be closing. In order to demonstrate the development and the outcome of collective bargaining in Germany, two other aspects need to be taken into consideration. During the 1950s annual holidays in Germany were two weeks, on average. Until the 1990s, this was increased to a total of six weeks, due to constant union-efforts (Ferner Hyman, 1998). The o ther aspect considers the amount of weekly working hours. Again during the 1950s, employees worked on average 48 hours per week. In the 1990s the efforts of the unions resulted in a total of 37.5 hours per week, on average. Taking a closer look on the development of collective bargaining in Germany, the following can be conclusion can be drawn. Due the historically more nationwide structure of bargaining, which had been introduced to a certain extent already in the Weimar Republic, the main process of bargaining happens at a more nation-wide, multi-employer stage. The development since the 1980s has shown that most bargaining-procedures follow the role model of the above described IG Metall and the major issue has become the topic of remuneration. A current example was the ongoing, publically held discussion about minimum-wages in several industries. Yet, there is a certain trend towards the decentralization of bargaining on a single-employer level which will be further discussed in the following. It is also of a high significance that the nationwide role-models are carried out to the single-employer levels, where often adjustments are made and the centralized outcome is often adapted to individual situations of companies. As a last aspect to be discussed referring to collective bargaining is the extent to which political parties in Germany take influence on the bargaining process. The IG Metall for example has an obvious affinity to the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), whose major target group are people belonging to the general workforce. This can certainly be of advantage for the majority of employees in case that the SPD takes legislative influence in favor of issues the IG Metall is concerned with. Current major trends and the decentralization of the German human resource management relations system The following part of the essay will provide an outline of current trends regarding the human resources management relations system in Germany. The previously described trend of the decentralization of bargaining structures will be regarded in greater detail, since it seems to be a significant development in German employment relations over the past years. One trend, which is not only occurring in Germany but in nearly all major industrial economies of Europe, is described by Streeck and Kluge (1999). In their study, it becomes evident that employers are tending to have a growing interest in a reliable and constructive relationship with trade unions on a company level. They state that the aim is to get along in a more productive manner than as it had always been the case. Being aware of the fact that this saves time and efforts, employers try to act more on a partner-level (Streeck Kluge, 1999). In case of Germany, the employee-side has the opportunity to react on static negotiation s with the employer by introducing strikes and lockouts. Yet, regarding the fact that employers are now obviously showing an increased compliance, at least on a perceived level, unions also tend to adopt a higher potential of compromise and push back a strike as the last opportunity since it harms the company on a general level. Another notable trend over the past years in Germany has been the growth of temporary work. With growth rates that are significantly higher than the rates of standard employment (Mitlacher, 2008), temporary work has attracted both public and academic attention. This trend can obviously be drawn back to times of economic recession and a certain divergence in business fluctuations. Employers, especially small and medium-sized enterprises, are often depending on the ability to react to the current situation. In peak-times they are able to adjust their workforce upwards, whereas in times of crisis they can easily downsize their workforce accordingly. This situat ion surely comprises a negative connotation towards employee rights, yet it is a very useful application for employers although it might be regarded as exploitation of the workforce. To go a bit more into detail, it can be stated that on the one hand, temporary or triangular employment relations offer the possibility to reduce labor, hiring, and training costs. On the other hand it might also be stated that agency jobs are also associated with low wages, minimal benefits, negligible job security, little training, and no job prospects (Mitlacher, 2008). Here it becomes clearly evident that the advantage of triangular work is on the employers side, whereas employees have to get along with it. In general, Jahn (2005), who is quoted by Mitlacher (2008), states that the proportion of young people and foreigners is much higher among temporary agency workers than in the overall economy. Furthermore, 30% of the temporary workers are low-skilled and only a quarter of all temporary workers ar e women (Federal Employment Service, 2005). A further trend which can be regarded in Germany is the issue of privatization. It is an issue since the 1970s when the Social Democratic Party was governing and refused privatization on grounds of political principle (Ferner Hyman, 1998). Due to the issues of the perceived increase in profitability and flexibility coming along with privatization, the trend has developed during the 1980s, when the Christian Democratic Party of Germany came to power and created the legal grounds for privatization. Although all public sector unions and major interest organizations have offered strong and coordinated resistance to privatization and have caused serious social conflicts (Mà ¼ller-Jentsch, Keller, Jacobi, 1998) , the trend kept on developing over time. A famous recent example for privatization is the Deutsche Bahn AG. Apart from the above mentioned current issues, there is another significant trend in Germanys employment relations. According to a study of the Max-Planck-institute, the employment relations in Germany undergo a change which can be allocated to a steady increase in internationalization, which has started to grow considerably during the 1990s. Besides the danger of facility-shifts to financially more feasible countries, employment relations are mainly affected by another aspect. The increasing degree of Americanization brings along a growing shareholder-orientation. Industrial Relations and codetermination are reacting on the competitive environment of international markets by adapting to a decentralization of collective bargaining (Max-Planck-Institut-fà ¼r-Gesellschaftsforschung, 1999). This is development is also supported by the unification of Germany, when two independent economies were merged together. The area wide-wage agreement has been in the centre of Germanys system of collective bargaining. Individual wage agreements have led to more moderate wage developments, whilst collective agreements wit h individual firms, and agreements at the production unit level, have not had this moderating effect. On the other hand, collective bargaining has become more flexible, leading to greater pay differentiation. The further decentralization of collective bargaining, although desirable, has given rise to objections based in constitutional law and to resistance from employees and employers (Ochel, 2005). As already described above, there is a trend from multi-layer collective bargaining to a decentralized structure, with a single-employer structure, taking place from work unit-levels to corporation-levels. As revealed by Mà ¼ller-Jentsch et al. (1998), there is no necessary interconnection between deregulation initiated by the government and flexibility, which is pursued by assertive employers. Yet, both coincide in practice and contribute to the process of decentralization of labor relations. Therefore the actors at the company level gain importance, whereas the actors on a sectoral le vel, unions and employers associations lose some of their former power. Coming along with the above described shift of competence and influence, a new institutionalized balance of power (Ferner Hyman, 1998) has developed. Still, nationwide pacemakers such as the IG Metall are still powerful and maintain a significant influence. Referring to this issue, an example is presented by Ochel (2005) is provided, who bascically refers to so called Wild-Cat Co-Operation. In detail , this means that works councils often agree to overtime working, which enhances the earnings of their constituents while allowing the company to increase production without the long-term commitments involved in taking new workers. This contradicts with the policy to which the unions are strongly committed, to restrict overtime and encourage additional recruitment in order to reduce unemployment. The divergence between interests is the following: Unions, having a nationwide, multi-employer perspective aim reducing the overall unemployment. Works Councils instead aim at achieving the most suitable solution for the individual company, since they have a more decentralized focus and a single-employer point of view. Conclusion To come to a final conclusion it can be stated that the German industrial relations system has undergone a constant development over the last decades. The dual system, embodying unions and works councils, is based on tradition and represents the two parties of collective bargaining. Due to internationalization and other globalizing aspects, a major development in the German system is a shift towards decentralization, laying more decision power on the individual employers perspectives. As pointed out above, this bears opportunities as well as challenges.

Vampire Academy Chapter 24

TWENTY-FOUR IN SPITE OF ALL THE training I'd received, all the lessons on Strigoi habits and how to defend against them, I'd never ever actually seen one. It was scarier than I'd expected. This time, when she swung at me again, I was ready. Sort of. I dodged back, slipping out of reach, wondering what chance I had. I remembered Dimitri's joke about the mall. No silver stake. Nothing to cut her head off with. No way to set her on fire. Running seemed like the best option after all, but she was blocking my way. Feeling useless, I simply backed down the hall as she advanced on me, her movements far more graceful than they'd ever been in life. Then, also faster than she'd ever moved in life, she leapt out, grabbed me, and slammed my head against the wall. Pain exploded in my skull, and I felt pretty sure that was blood I tasted in the back of my mouth. Frantically, I fought against her, trying to mount some kind of defense, but it was like fighting Dimitri on crack. â€Å"My dear,† murmured Victor, â€Å"try not to kill her if you don't have to. We might be able to use her later.† Natalie paused in her attack, giving me a moment to back up, but she never took her cold eyes off me. â€Å"I'll try not to.† There was a skeptical tone in her voice. â€Å"Get out of here now. I'll meet you there when I'm done.† â€Å"I can't believe you!† I yelled after him. â€Å"You got your own daughter to turn Strigoi?† â€Å"A last resort. A necessary sacrifice made for the greater good. Natalie understands.† He left. â€Å"Do you?† I hoped I could stall her with talking, just like in the movies. I also hoped my questions would hide how utterly and completely terrified I was. â€Å"Do you understand? God, Natalie. You†¦you turned. Just because he told you to?† â€Å"My father's a great man,† she replied. â€Å"He's going to save the Moroi from the Strigoi.† â€Å"Are you insane?† I cried. I was backing up again and suddenly hit the wall. My nails dug into it, as though I could dig my way through. â€Å"You are a Strigoi.† She shrugged, almost seeming like the old Natalie. â€Å"I had to do it to get him out of here before the others came. One Strigoi to save all of the Moroi. It's worth it, worth giving up the sun and the magic.† â€Å"But you'll want to kill Moroi! You won't be able to help it.† â€Å"He'll help me stay in control. If not, then they'll have to kill me.† She reached out and grabbed my shoulders, and I shuddered at how casually she talked about her own death. It was almost as casual as the way she was no doubt contemplating my death. â€Å"You are insane. You can't love him that much. You can't really – â€Å" She threw me into a wall again, and as my body collapsed in a heap on the floor, I had a feeling I wouldn't be getting up this time. Victor had told her not to kill me†¦but there was a look in her eyes, a look that said she wanted to. She wanted to feed off me; the hunger was there. It was the Strigoi way. I shouldn't have talked to her, I realized. I'd hesitated, just as Dimitri had warned. And then, suddenly, he was there, charging down the hallway like Death in a cowboy duster. Natalie spun around. She was fast, so fast. But Dimitri was fast too and avoided her attack, a look of pure power and strength on his face. With an eerie fascination, I watched them move, circling each other like partners in a deadly dance. She was stronger than him, clearly, but she was also a fresh Strigoi. Gaining superpowers doesn't mean you know how to use them. Dimitri, however, knew how to use the ones he had. After both giving and receiving some vicious hits, he made his move. The silver stake flashed in his hand like a streak of lightning, then it snaked forward – into her heart. He yanked it out and stepped back, his face impassive as she screamed and fell to the floor. After a few horrible moments, she stopped moving. Just as quickly, he was leaning over me, slipping his arms under my body. He stood up, carrying me like he had when I hurt my ankle. â€Å"Hey, Comrade,† I murmured, my own voice sounding sleepy. â€Å"You were right about Strigoi.† The world started to darken, and my eyelids drooped. â€Å"Rose. Roza. Open your eyes.† I'd never heard his voice so strained, so frantic. â€Å"Don't go to sleep on me. Not yet.† I squinted up at him as he carried me out of the building, practically running toward the clinic. â€Å"Was he right?† â€Å"Who?† â€Å"Victor†¦he said it couldn't have worked. The necklace.† I started to drift off, lost in the blackness of my mind, but Dimitri prompted me back to consciousness. â€Å"What do you mean?† â€Å"The spell. Victor said you had to want me†¦to care about me†¦for it to work.† When he didn't say anything, I tried to grip his shirt, but my fingers were too weak. â€Å"Did you? Did you want me?† His words came out thickly. â€Å"Yes, Roza. I did want you. I still do. I wish†¦we could be together.† â€Å"Then why did you lie to me?† We reached the clinic, and he managed to open the door while still holding me. As soon as he stepped inside, he began yelling for help. â€Å"Why did you lie?† I murmured again. Still holding me in his arms, he looked down at me. I could hear voices and footsteps getting closer. â€Å"Because we can't be together.† â€Å"Because of the age thing, right?† I asked. â€Å"Because you're my mentor?† His fingertip gently wiped away a tear that had escaped down my cheek. â€Å"That's part of it,† he said. â€Å"But also†¦well, you and I will both be Lissa's guardians someday. I need to protect her at all costs. If a pack of Strigoi come, I need to throw my body between them and her.† â€Å"I know that. Of course that's what you have to do.† The black sparkles were dancing in front of my eyes again. I was fading out. â€Å"No. If I let myself love you, I won't throw myself in front of her. I'll throw myself in front of you.† The medical team arrived and took me out of his arms. And that was how, two days after being discharged, I ended up back in the clinic. My third time in the two months we'd been back at the Academy. It had to be some kind of record. I definitely had a concussion and probably internal bleeding, but we never really found out. When your best friend is a kick-ass healer, you sort of don't have to worry about those things. I still had to stay there for a couple of days, but Lissa – and Christian, her new sidekick – almost never left my side when they weren't in class. Through them, I learned bits and pieces about the outside world. Dimitri had realized there was a Strigoi on campus when they'd found Natalie's victim dead and drained of blood: Mr. Nagy of all people. A surprising choice, but since he was older, he'd been able to put up less of a fight. No more Slavic art for us. The guardians in the detention center had been injured but not killed. She'd simply slammed them around as she had me. Victor had been found and recaptured while trying to escape campus. I was glad, even though it meant Natalie's sacrifice had been for nothing. Rumors said that Victor hadn't seemed afraid at all when the royal guards came and carried him away. He'd simply smiled the whole time, like he had some secret they didn't know about. Inasmuch as it could, life returned to normal after that. Lissa did no more cutting. The doctor prescribed her something – an anti-depressant or anti-anxiety drug, I couldn't remember which – that made her feel better. I'd never really known anything about those kinds of pills. I thought they made people silly and happy. But it was a pill like any other, meant to fix something, and mostly it just kept her normal and feeling stable. Which was a good thing – because she had some other issues to deal with. Like Andre. She'd finally believed Christian's story, and allowed herself to acknowledge that Andre might not have been the hero she'd always believed him to be. It was hard on her, but she finally reached a peaceful decision, accepting that he could have had both good and bad sides, like we all do. What he'd done to Mia saddened her, but it didn't change the fact that he'd been a good brother who loved her. Most importantly, it finally freed her from feeling like she needed to be him to make her family proud. She could be herself – which she proved daily in her relationship with Christian. The school still couldn't get over that. She didn't care. She laughed it off, ignoring the shocked looks and disdain from the royals who couldn't believe she'd date someone from a humiliated family. Not all of them felt that way though. Some who had gotten to know her during her brief social whirlwind actually liked her for her, no compulsion necessary. They liked her honesty and openness, preferring it to the games most royals played. A lot of royals ignored her, of course, and talked viciously about her behind her back. Most surprising of all, Mia – despite being utterly humiliated – managed to wiggle back into the good graces of a couple of these royals. It proved my point. She wouldn't stay down for long. And, in fact, I saw the first signs of her revenge lurking again when I walked past her one day on the way to class. She stood with a few other people and spoke loudly, clearly wanting me to hear. † – perfect match. Both of them are from completely disgraced and rejected families.† I clenched my teeth and kept walking, following her gaze to where Lissa and Christian stood. They were lost in their own world and formed a gorgeous picture, she blond and fair and he blue-eyed and black-haired. I couldn't help but stare too. Mia was right. Both of their families were disgraced. Tatiana had publicly denounced Lissa, and while no one â€Å"blamed† the Ozeras for what had happened to Christian's parents, the rest of the royal Moroi families continued to keep their distance. But Mia had been right about the other part too. In some ways, Lissa and Christian were perfect for each other. Maybe they were outcasts, but the Dragomirs and Ozeras had once been among the most powerful Moroi leaders. And in only a very short time, Lissa and Christian had started shaping one another in ways that could put them right up there with their ancestors. He was picking up some of her polish and social poise; she was learning to stand up for her passions. The more I watched them, the more I could see an energy and confidence radiating around them. They weren't going to stay down either. And I think that, along with Lissa's kindness, may have been what attracted people to her. Our social circle began to steadily grow. Mason joined, of course, and made no secret of his interest in me. Lissa teased me a lot about that, and I didn't yet know what to do about him. Part of me thought maybe it was time to give him a shot as a serious boyfriend, even though the rest of me yearned for Dimitri. For the most part, Dimitri treated me just like anyone would expect of a mentor. He was efficient. Fond. Strict. Understanding. There was nothing out of the ordinary, nothing that would make anyone suspect what had passed between us – save for an occasional meeting of our eyes. And once I overcame my initial emotional reaction, I knew he was – technically – right about us. Age was a problem, yes, particularly while I was still a student at the Academy. But the other thing he'd mentioned†¦it had never entered my mind. It should have. Two guardians in a relationship could distract each other from the Moroi they were supposed to protect. We couldn't allow that to happen, couldn't risk her life for our own wants. Otherwise, we'd be no better than the Badica guardian who'd run off. I'd told Dimitri once that my own feelings didn't matter. She came first. I just hoped I could prove it. â€Å"It's too bad about the healing,† Lissa told me. â€Å"Hmm?† We sat in her room, pretending to study, but my mind was off thinking about Dimitri. I'd lectured her about keeping secrets, but I hadn't told her about him or about how close I'd come to losing my virginity. For some reason, I couldn't bring myself to tell. She dropped the history book she'd been holding. â€Å"That I had to give up the healing. And the compulsion.† A frown crossed her face at that last part. The healing had been regarded as a wondrous gift in need of further study; the compulsion had met with serious reprimands from Kirova and Ms. Carmack. â€Å"I mean, I'm happy now. I should have gotten help a long time ago – you were right about that. I'm glad I'm on the medication. But Victor was right too. I can't use spirit anymore. I can still sense it, though†¦I miss being able to touch it.† I didn't entirely know what to say. I liked her better like this. Losing that threat of madness had made her whole again, confident and outgoing, just like the Lissa I'd always known and loved. Seeing her now, it was easy to believe what Victor had said about her becoming a leader. She reminded me of her parents and of Andre – how they used to inspire devotion in those who knew them. â€Å"And that's another thing,† she continued. â€Å"He said I couldn't give it up. He was right. It hurts, not having the magic. I want it so badly sometimes.† â€Å"I know,† I said. I could feel that ache within her. The pills had dulled her magic, but not our bond. â€Å"And I keep thinking about all the things I could do, all the people I could help.† She looked regretful. â€Å"You have to help yourself first,† I told her fiercely. â€Å"I don't want you getting hurt again. I won't let you.† â€Å"I know. Christian says the same thing.† She got that dopey smile she always did when she thought about him. If I'd known what idiots being in love would make them, I might not have been so keen to get them back together. â€Å"And I guess you guys are right. Better to want the magic and be sane than to have it and be a lunatic. There's no middle ground.† â€Å"No,† I agreed. â€Å"Not with this.† Then, out of nowhere, a thought smacked me in the head. There was a middle ground. Natalie's words reminded me of it. It's worth it, worth giving up the sun and the magic. The magic. Ms. Karp hadn't become Strigoi simply because she'd gone crazy. She'd become Strigoi to stay sane. Becoming Strigoi cut a person completely off from magic. In doing that, she couldn't use it. She couldn't feel it. She wouldn't want it anymore. Staring at Lissa, I felt a knot of worry coil within me. What if she figured that out? Would she want to do it too? No, I quickly decided. Lissa would never do that. She was too strong a person, too moral. And so long as she stayed on the pills, her higher reasoning would keep her from doing something so drastic. Still, the whole concept prodded me to find out one last thing. The following morning, I went to the chapel and waited in one of the pews until the priest showed up. â€Å"Hello, Rosemarie,† he said, clearly surprised. â€Å"Can I help you with something?† I stood up. â€Å"I need to know more about St. Vladimir. I read that book you gave me and a couple others.† Best not to tell him about stealing the ones in the attic. â€Å"But nobody told how he died. What happened? How did his life end? Was he, like, martyred?† The priest's bushy eyebrows rose. â€Å"No. He died of old age. Peacefully.† â€Å"You're sure? He didn't become Strigoi or kill himself?† â€Å"No, of course not. Why would you think that?† â€Å"Well†¦he was holy and everything, but he was also kind of crazy, right? I read about it. I thought he might have, I don't know, given into that.† His face was serious. â€Å"It's true he fought demons – insanity – his whole life. It was a struggle, and he did want to die sometimes. But he overcame it. He didn't let it defeat him.† I stared in wonder. Vladimir wouldn't have had pills, and he'd clearly continued to use magic. â€Å"How? How did he do that?† â€Å"Willpower, I guess. Well†¦Ã¢â‚¬  He paused. â€Å"That and Anna.† â€Å"Shadow-kissed Anna,† I murmured. â€Å"His guardian.† The priest nodded. â€Å"She stayed with him. When he grew weak, she was the one who held him up. She urged him to stay strong and to never give in to his madness.† I left the chapel in a daze. Anna had done it. Anna had let Vladimir walk that middle ground, helping him to work miracles in the world without meeting a horrible end. Ms. Karp hadn't been as lucky. She hadn't had a bound guardian. She hadn't had anyone to hold her up. Lissa did. Smiling, I cut across the quadrangle toward the commons. I felt better about life than I had in a very long time. We could do this, Lissa and me. We could do it together. Just then, I saw a dark figure out of the corner of my eye. It swooped past me and landed on a nearby tree. I stopped walking. It was a raven, large and fierce-looking, with shining black feathers. A moment later, I realized it wasn't just a raven; it was the raven. The one Lissa had healed. No other bird would land so close to a dhampir. And no other bird would be looking at me in such an intelligent, familiar way. I couldn't believe he was still around. A chill ran down my spine, and I started to back up. Then the truth hit me. â€Å"You're bound to her too, aren't you?† I asked, fully aware that anyone who saw me would think I was crazy. â€Å"She brought you back. You're shadow-kissed.† That was actually pretty cool. I held out my arm to it, half hoping it'd come land on me in some sort of dramatic, movie-worthy gesture. All it did was look at me like I was an idiot, spread its wings, and fly off. I glared as it flew off into the twilight. Then I turned around and headed off to find Lissa. From far away, I heard the sound of cawing, almost like laughter.

Mark Antony’s Motivation in Julius Caesar by William...

Rome, 44 B.C. a wealthy and powerful empire whose leader has just been assassinated. People are shocked and terrified but one man stands calmly and looks over this mass chaos. Mark Antony, one of Caesar’s best generals and colleagues, he smiles because he knows that he has a chance to have all of the power in Rome. Julius Caesar by William Shakespeare was written in 1599. In the novel Senators worried by the amount of power possessed by Julius Caesar think of a plan to get rid of him. The senators who are part of the conspiracy try to get Brutus to join them. Brutus who is at war with himself joins the conspiracy and decides the death of Julius Caesar is for the good of the Roman people. Mark Antony is motivated both by personal ambition†¦show more content†¦With the Roman Civil War Antony found this as avenging Caesar’s death. The final reason behind Mark Antony’s motivation is that he wanted to avenge Caesar’s death. When Caesar was assassinated , Mark Antony was not there by him, but he returned later to find Caesar dead. He said if the conspirators want to kill him then he wants to die by Caesar. He supposedly sides with the conspirators but when left alone with Caesar’s body Antony reveals his true feelings about Caesar’s death. â€Å"Oh, pardon me, thou bleeding piece of earth, / That I am meek and gentle with these butchers! / Thou art the ruins of the noblest man / That ever lived in the tide of times. / Woe to the hand that shed this costly blood!† (III.i.256-260). Mark Antony is apologizing that he is siding with the conspirators for some time. Though this helps Mark Antony be able to speak at Caesar’s funeral. Later after his speech the crowd is ready to avenge Caesar’s death thanks to Antony the crowd agrees that â€Å"Most noble Caesar! We’ll avenge his death.† (III.ii.244). Later when Mark Antony sees that he has convinced the crowd to kill the conspirators and av enge Caesar’s death he with a crooked grin says â€Å"Now let it work. Mischief, thou art afoot. / Take thou what course thou wilt.† (III.ii.260-261). Mark Antony is satisfied that the conspirators will die and Caesar’s death shall be avenged. Mark Antony is motivated both by personal ambition and love forShow MoreRelated Revenge in Julius Caesar and Othello Essay1821 Words   |  8 Pagesa story. Julius Caesar and Othello by William Shakespeare are two plays whose most predominant theme is revenge. This is illustrated through the characters, symbols, and settings of both works. Revenge is a constant theme throughout the play Othello. It is portrayed through one of the character Iago. Iago is determined to destroy Othello and his loved ones. This retribution is a result of Othello promoting Cassio to the position of lieutenant. 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Overweight and Obesity - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 2 Words: 592 Downloads: 7 Date added: 2019/08/13 Category Health Essay Level High school Tags: Obesity Essay Weight Loss Essay Did you like this example? Overweight and obesity is a situation in which a persons weight is considered higher than the normal weight adjusted for height. In the United States, more than 2 in 3 adults fall in the overweight or obesity category. BMI is a common tool utilized to measure the overweight and obesity in children and adults. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Overweight and Obesity" essay for you Create order According to the NHANES survey conducted between 2013-2014 (NIDDK, 2017), obesity and overweight in the United States is a serious health issue as the majority of the population are suffering, and the trend continues to rise. The overweight or obesity category are the majority at 70.2 percent which implies that 2 in every three adults is obese or overweight in the U.S. Out of this number, 73.7 percent of the obese or overweight population are men while 66.9 percent in this category are women. The problem of obesity or overweight extends to the youth population in the U.S who are suffering greatly. According to the NHANDES data revealed through a survey conducted by the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS), obesity among the children and adolescents aged between 2 to 19 years is at 17.2 percent while the overweight population is 6 percent (NIDDK, 2017). It implies that 1 in 6 of the population are considered to have obesity while the segment of this population with overweight problems is 1 in every 17 children and adolescents. In the U.S, the trends in obesity and overweight have increased. According to NIDDK (2017), obesity among men and women increased significantly between 1980-2000. Furthermore, the recent times between 2005-2014 has seen the prevalence of obesity and overweight increase significantly among women (NIDDK, 2017). However, there are no significant changes in the prevalence of obesity and overweight among the men. Obesity contributes significantly to the risk for surgical site infection, longer operation time and more surgical blood loss which impairs surgery. According to Tjeertes et al. (2015), incidences of surgical site infection is directly proportional to the BMI. Obesity affects the healing of the surgical wounds because of the excess subcutaneous fat tissues that are predisposed on the patients body. Healing of the surgical wounds is impaired due to the oxygen tension and low regional perfusion. Furthermore, the operation time for surgery increases due to obesity and overweight contributing significantly to the postoperative wound infections. Also, obesity brings too much tension on the surgical incision, increases elevated blood glucose levels and affects immunity leading to impaired wound healing. Surprisingly, being obese leads to the obesity paradox. In this situation, a patient who is obese or overweight and is due for surgery may have long-term survival or improved 30 days of the perioperative care. Survival rates among obese and overweight patients are low. According to Ri, Aikou Seto (2018), there is a negative influence of obesity on the short-term survival rates. Based on large-scale reports, obesity increases postoperative complication rates in gastric cancer surgery. The high risks of complications such as intra-abdominal abscess, post-operative pneumonia, leakage and incision infection develop as a result of obesity. With regards to laparoscopic surgery, operative time for surgery is prolonged by obesity without the influence on survival or complication rates. Despite the higher risk of postoperative complications, patients with a higher BMI exhibit superior survival rates compared with normal BMI patients. References NIDDK. (2017). Overweight Obesity Statistics | NIDDK. Retrieved from https://www.niddk.nih.gov/health-information/health-statistics/overweight-obesity Ri, M., Aikou, S., Seto, Y. (2018). Obesity as a surgical risk factor. Annals of gastroenterological surgery, 2(1), 13-21. Tjeertes, E. E., Hoeks, S. S., Beks, S. S., Valentijn, T. T., Hoofwijk, A. A., Stolker, R. J. R. (2015). Obesity–a risk factor for postoperative complications in general surgery?. BMC anesthesiology, 15(1), 112.